Experiences in Russia 1931
A DIARY
This book is written in the form
of a diary. Most of it consists of interviews with Russians in every walk of
life, - the object being to obtain a cross-section of public opinion about the
things that are transpiring in their country’s remarkable experiment in
practical Socialism. No attempt has
been made to reach conclusions, and the reader may from his own opinions.
The Author.
First
published & copyrighted by the Alton Press, Inc, Pittsburgh, USA in 1932.
Transcription
& republication by Dr. M. S. Colley & N. L. Colley. ã 2002. All Rights reserved. For further information: www.colley.co.uk/garethjones/legal.htm from where this file was originally
downloaded.
For
further articles about Gareth Jones, please visit: www.colley.co.uk/garethjones/
PREFACE
IN 1932 Russia finds herself in
revolutionary chaos compared with which the shots and terror of 1917-18 were
but dramatic episodes. This is the
revolution of the Five-Year Plan which is changing the whole life of the
country even more than the initial seizing of power by the Bolsheviks fifteen
years ago. The aim of this new Communist
Party set before it. These new rulers
of Russia, having issued a challenge to the age-old rights of private property,
are attempting to build up a State where the good of the community, and not the
private profit of the individual, shall be the guiding motive, where classes
shall disappear, and where all shall receive according to their needs and give
according to their abilities.
Throughout the centuries, philosophers have talked of such a State, but
up to 1917 their arguments were based upon pure theory. Today, however, the ideas propounded by
Socialist thinkers are being put into practice. How do they work out in real life?
It was in quest of an answer
to this question that I was permitted to accompany the author of this diary to
Russia in the autumn of 1931 when the Soviet citizens were in the very thick of
the struggle to build up Socialism. I
believe the author’s approach was as non-partisan and open-minded as possible
for any one reared under a regime of Capitalism.
With a knowledge of Russia
and the Russian language, it was possible to get off the beaten path, to talk
with grimy workers and rough peasants, as well as such leaders as Lenin’s widow
and Karl Radek. We visited vast
engineering projects and factories, slept on the bug-infested floors of
peasants’ huts, shared black bread and cabbage soup with the villagers—in
short, got into direct touch with the Russian people in their struggle for
existence and were thus able to test their reactions to the Soviet Government’s
dramatic moves.
It
was an experience of tremendous interest and value as a study of a land in the
grip of a proletarian revolution.
GARETH R.V. JONES.
Experiences in Russia 1931
A
trip to Russia by a Soviet boat may justly kindle the imagination in this
hectic year of 1931 when that country is the cynosure of the remaining
five-sixths of the world. Much we have
read, much heard—now we shall see first hand what it all means.
Jones
and I embarked from London on the Soviet steamer Rudzutak at 7:30 p.m. We had expected to get a good meal on board,
but got only tea, served in a glass mug, and bread, cold ham, sausage, and
cheese. The boat, a 5,000-ton cargo and
passenger steamer, was neat and clean; the lounge and dining saloon were nicely
decorated. Quite a surprise!
The
passenger list, though lacking in brilliance, looked promising in variety, a
party of scientists on tour, another group of some sort, an English
Co-operative Store delegation, and many Russians (assorted flavors).
In
roaming about the boat we discovered a “Lenin Corner” in the crew’s quarters,
where stood a fine bust of Lenin himself, and also several photographs of
various Party leaders and generals. A
piano, a ping-pong set, and a radio completed this scenery. Nearby, a bulletin board was plastered with
Communist propaganda and amazingly true statements regarding the present world
depression.
As a
matter of interest, I have copied a translation, made by Jones, of this wall
newspaper. The paper is the work of one
of the crew and illustrates the sort of propaganda of an unintelligent nature
found everywhere. Of course, it is
quite typical, and the sheer quantity of such similar stuff must have a great
influence on the workers. It was titled:
“Two
Worlds — The World of Capitalism and The World of Growing Socialism.”
Here
is Jones’s translation:
“August
1st is the International Red Day of the struggle of the revolutionary
proletariat against the dangers of imperialist wars and the threats of attack
on the U.S.S.R.
“August
1st is the eve of a deepening of the world economic crisis and of an
unprecedented embitterment of conflicts between Capitalist countries, and
especially between the systems of building Socialism and decaying Capitalism.
“A
world economic crisis has gripped all Capitalist countries. The fundamental features of this are a
violent cutting down of production, a sharp decline of the internal markets,
together with the impoverishment of working masses by a colossal growth of
unemployment, and a tremendous cutting down of the foreign markets. Wages have been cut, the working day
lengthened, and millions of peasants have been ruined through a fall in the
price of agricultural products, high taxes, and rents. The attack of Capitalism on the workers’
standards of living has led to increased mortality, suicides, and crime. The world bourgeoisie is struggling, with
the active help of the Social Democrats, to guarantee a way out of a crisis at
the expense of the working masses. They
are organizing terrorist Fascist bands, and threatening the workers’
revolutionary organization; are depriving the workers of the right of assembly
and press; are shooting unemployed and strikers; and are suppressing peasant
movements.
“While
in Russia”— etc., etc.
A
glowing picture of the accomplishments of Communism followed.
The
sea is very rough today, and this 5,000-ton boat is not like the
Berengaria! Sick as a pup! Stayed in bed and slept and cursed our
luck. Couldn’t do anything else — awful
sissy!
Tonight
we learned that the boat will put into Hamburg for at least twenty-four hours
to load a cargo of German machinery. This will delay everything badly — fed up!
This
same boat has just brought from Russia, to dump into England, 2,000 tons of
butter, which will undersell the English or Danish product by thirty
percent. Dumping?
“No,”
say the Russians, “we sell at the highest price we can in any market in order
to obtain foreign credits.”
We
were supposed to arrive at Hamburg at noon, but did not dock until 2:30, and
then had to wait two hours for the police to come aboard, before any passengers
were allowed ashore. Finally, we asked
the captain if we could disembark, to which he casually remarked:
“Oh
yes, the police have been here an hour!”
Jones
reported a conversation with a sailor he found loafing in the “Lenin
Corner.” This sailor had been a member
of the Party since 1926, and said that about sixty percent of the crew were of
the Communist Party.
“What
will Russia be like in ten years?”
Jones
asked. “Stalin doesn’t say.”
“Isn’t
Stalin’s speech opposed to the principles of Communism?” Jones inquired.
“Oh,
no! came the response. “You see, we have Communism
for years and years —
twenty, fifty, a hundred, or two hundred years. We are now only entering Socialism. When Communism comes, all classes will have disappeared, and all
will be able to obtain everything they want.
There will be complete equality.
We are working toward that; we must now be sure to act according to the
doctrine. ‘He who will not work, shall
not eat.’ So, if a man doesn’t work, he
is not to have money nor bread nor anything else. We started off in the beginning with equal pay, but it gave
advantages to the lazy man, so we soon abolished that.
“There
are still classes in Russia. The Kulak
still exists. There are still bourgeois
producers. They must be stamped
Another
conversation between two sailors concerning the old and the new army was
translated by Jones as follows:
“It
was much better in the Czarist Army than it is in the Red Army now,” said
one.
The
other retorted hotly:
“No,
no, it was three times worse!”
Contradictory
opinions of this kind are rather puzzling.
A
further conversation with another sailor revealed some interesting facts about
the crew of the boat. The captain has
only administrative power, and the ship is really run by a committee of three
men, the president of the committee, who may be an ordinary sailor; the
captain, and the secretary of the Party “cell,” or organization on the
boat. The captain and first mate are
“civil servants,” while other members of the crew are in the category of
“workers.” The former are better
educated, receive higher pay, and can get better things for personal use. The peasants are in another category. It is possible to move from one category to
another. If the civil servant is a
member of the Party his maximum wage is 315 rubles per month, but there are
only two million Party members in Russia out of a total population of 160
million.
Jones
asked whether he, a schoolmaster’s son, would be eligible for Party membership.
“Yes,”
was the reply, “as neither your father nor yourself has exploited the
workers. On the contrary, your father
has been educating the people. A
preliminary probation period is, of course, necessary—six months for a worker,
maybe two years for others.”
The
seaman said:
“Trotsky
was too much under the influence of foreigners. He was a valuable man in his time, but now we have no further use
for him. Trotsky stood for a ‘world
revolution’ as the only means of putting Russia into a Communistic state.” He also maintained that the peasants, being
in the majority, were the mainstay of the government. Stalin, on the other
hand, stands for the national idea of Communism in Russia first, and his policy
is to work with the minority group, the city proletarian.
“World
revolution is bound to come,” the sailor continued. “Everywhere there are
strikes and discontent.
He
added that before long Russia would become absolutely independent of the rest
of the world.
“But
Russia will always have to import goods,” said Jones.
“No,”
declared the sailor, “Russia is going to be self-sufficient. She will import
for five years or so and then stop. We
will soon be able to make all the manufactured goods we need. We do not like the campaigns carried on in
England against Russia. The English
Socialists are traitors, tools in the hands of the bourgeoisie. They are merely opportunists. The English people have not suffered and
hungered like the Russians, or they would not be so easy in dealing with their
exploiters. The time will come when
they will believe in a bloody revolution.”
Jones asked this same fellow a few questions regarding lotteries in
Russia.
Jones:
“What good is the winning of a lottery to a man in Russia.
Sailor:
“The winner might invest the money in a Five-Year Plan Loan, receiving interest
of six to nine percent. He could win a
prize of 2,000 to 20,000 rubles in Obligations and receive interest.”
Jones: “But that would make him a Kulak or petty bourgeois.”
Sailor:
“Yes, he might buy a house or a car, but he would have to sacrifice fifty to
seventy percent of the prize to the State in the form of taxation. He would no longer be able to get tickets to
buy food at the cheap rate. His food would cost five times as much.”
An
English Co-operative member interrupted at this point with the remark that, “It
is a case of ‘the pot calling the kettle black’, when Russia upbraids other
nations for exploiting the workers, because Russia’s method of dealing with
winners of lotteries is nothing more than an exploitation.”
The
sailor continued:
“In
the beginning, educated people joined the Party for their own profit. They were useful at first as educators to
speed up production, but then later they were removed by the ‘Chistka,’ which
is the Russian method of periodically removing the inefficient. The word literally means ‘cleansing’.”
Another
member of the group remarked:
“I
remember when Lenin came to my factory.
He was just an ordinary little man. He looked like a muzhik [peasant]
and spoke simply. He came to the
factory and asked people to show their hands.
Some wore diamond rings. He
shouted to them, ‘You swine! You have
been exploiting the workers’.”
Jones
and I took the ferry to the city of Hamburg and went to a restaurant located on
the Lake Alster. It had been well known
for decades as a gay meeting place for “diners out,” but tonight it was
deserted.
A
talk with the head waiter revealed the seriousness of the political
situation. Fortunately, the referendum
to dissolve the Prussian Parliament had not been carried, but there was still
considerable Communist unrest. Several
shootings had taken place in Hamburg, and there had been a street fight in
Berlin, when thirty-seven were severely injured. An offer of a 20,000-mark reward for the capture of the Reds who
had murdered three Berlin police officers was blazed across the first page of
the newspaper.
One
could not fail to be deeply impressed by the tense atmosphere, charged with the
rumblings of anarchy and revolution.
I
spent the morning and early afternoon in Hamburg writing letters and visiting
the art gallery, where there was a fine display of Rembrandts. We also saw some of the city’s modernistic buildings. Rather good, I thought, and quite original,
but with a little too much of the German tendency toward the grotesque. There were amazing elevators in one
apartment house, consisting of an endless, constantly moving chain of
compartments into which one stepped and went up or down.
The
boat was supposed to sail at 5:00 p.m., but did not leave until 5:00 a.m., so
we went ashore for dinner. It was grand
to get away from that boat! We
seriously considered flying, since we were already two days late, but we gave
up the idea out of consideration for our families, and the added expense.
We
awoke this morning to find ourselves sailing slowly through the Kiel canal,
with flat farming country and sparsely scattered houses on both sides.
I spent
the morning reading, and talking with a Scotch Communist. He was one of the most radical men
imaginable, but in spite of my laughing at some of his absurd statements, he
always maintained a sense of humor. I
learned that he had been a member of the Communist Party for ten years, and for
nine years had been out of work. He
hailed from Glasgow. This was my first
real contact with a devoted Communist who knew quite a bit about his Marxian
philosophy. I was amazed by the
ridiculous radicalism expressed in this statement:
“Al
Capone and Jack Diamond are tools of the bourgeois employed to break strikes
and intimidate workers.”
An
atheist too, he believes that “religion is the opium of the people.”
I asked him how it was that
Christ and His teachings had been remembered two thousand years. He replied that these Christian beliefs had
been fostered by the bourgeois to dope the workers with superstition, and to
keep them confused.
Further views on religion were
expressed by him and a Mrs. Bromley, a working woman of London. They object to what they call the
insincerity and outward sham of the Catholic Church in particular, and claim
that the higher authorities get good salaries and live a life of exploitation
and secret vice. They ridicule what
they call the ceremonial hokum, and decry the custom of paying money to the
priest when one marries. Furthermore,
the Catholic religion, in their opinion, removes opportunity for free choice
and free thought; the child must be confirmed at seven, must learn as the
Church teaches, under penalty of damnation.
We
talked of great men. Comrade Reid, the
Scotsman, believes that Lenin and Marx are the only truly great men of the past
or present, because they have constructively aided the proletariat.
“But what about a person like Queen
Elizabeth?” I asked.
“All
such characters are but details of history, the product of their economic
environment,” he replied.
“What
about a man like Edison? I
inquired. “Did he not benefit humanity
and the civilized world?”
“No,” he declared. “Edison was exploited by the bourgeois,
too. But unconsciously he abetted the
rationalization of the Capitalist world by his inventions, and in so doing his
work caused greater unemployment, and consequently helped to destroy
Capitalism.”
The Communist mind feels that to
benefit humanity it is only necessary to help the proletariat, and his outlook
is therefore as narrow as my question was broad.
We discussed war with Soviet
Russia. Our friend, the Clydesider,
felt that war is the only way out of the crisis. He is not afraid of a bloody revolution. You cannot expect the bourgeois to
voluntarily relinquish his present advantage without a struggle, in his
opinion.
“Why,
Hoover and Lloyd George are plotting war with Soviet Russia,” declared Reid. “Would not America and England like to own
the Soviet oil fields, their timber, their other material resources? Certainly!
And what are all the campaigns against Russia’s ‘dumping,’ ‘convict
labor,’ and ‘religious persecution’ but the beginning of a war of
intervention?”
“But,”
queried Jones, “has not history shown by the example of Napoleon’s march on
Moscow, and the ‘White’ Intervention of 1918 that Russia cannot be conquered?”
“Ah,
now there are airplanes and poison gas,” came the reply. “And why are the nations arguing today? Why is there more money spent on weapons now
than in 1913?”
Not
much else happened today, only a five-hour delay in the Kiel canal while we
took on oil. They say we will not dock for three days.
We had a beautiful sunny morning with a smooth sea.
I enjoyed an amusing talk with a Russian who had been a contractor in Chicago for twenty years. A most amusing old chap he was, with Communist ideas. He had lost most of his money in Chicago banks that had closed.
“All
that money of mine,” he said, “was taken by bankers and given to Fascists and
Germans. The Capitalist is like a
tiger—beautiful, but just try to deal with him!
“In
America, if you steal a million dollars, the government pats you on the back
and says ‘good boy’, but if you steal fourteen cents, you get fourteen
years! American schools are bad;
children learn to whistle and spit and say ‘my old man’—they show no respect
for their families!”
I
read and wrote until tea time, after which I started a casual talk with the
Scotch Communist. Three hours later we
quit, having gathered fifteen or more persons into the argument. Said our friend:
“Economic
freedom is the ultimate aim of Soviet Russia; there is no freedom in bourgeois
countries, because the bourgeois control the press and the right to assemble.
Scotch Communist. Three hours later we
quit, having gathered fifteen or more persons into the argument. Said our friend:
“Economic
freedom is the ultimate aim of Soviet Russia; there is no freedom in bourgeois
countries, because the bourgeois control the press and the right to assemble.
“We must have in England a Cheka
[political police] more ruthless than in Russia.
“The
Soviet Government’s first obligations are to the working class of the world. Therefore, if any of the treaties or
undertakings signed by the U.S.S.R. clash with the interest of the proletariat,
these treaties will be immediately repudiated.”
“Do
you believe the Soviet Government would abide by the German and Italian
treaties of the present if they turned out detrimental to the proletariat?” we
asked.
“Of course not. At present
they coincide with our interests.
“World revolution is
inevitable; each country will apply voluntarily for membership in the U.S.S.R.
Germany is to be next. In India, the
task of the British Communist Party is to fight for the freedom of the workers
and the peasants against bourgeois governors.
“The present belief is that
Capitalism itself will bring about its own downfall. Russia does not believe in sending money abroad, and is quite
right in concentrating on the Five-Year Plan.
Its success is the best propaganda.
The workers of the world will see Russia a brilliant success and proceed
to establish a Communist state.
“There have been three
periods in the progress or decline of Capitalism, according to the Russian
outlook. These periods were:
“1. 1918-23 - Period of upward tendency.
“2. 1923-28 - Period of
temporary stabilization.
“3. 1928 -Period of rapid
and final decline.
“The contradictions in the
Capitalistic system are necessarily increasing. Rivalry for world markets,
which are steadily contracting, will lead to war. This conflict will end in civil war and revolution. The present period of world Capitalism is
the period of wage cuts, oppression in the colonies, and unemployment.
Changing the subject, he
said:
“Bourgeois doctors are all
superstitious; they do not know their jobs; they don’t tell you what is wrong
with you. They ask how you feel, give
you medicine, and then look in a medical book to learn what troubles you. They take no interest in the patient, and
work only for the bourgeois who pay them.”
This evening we again had an argument, a considerable
number of saloon passengers, both Communist and non-Communist participating. But the revolutionaries were so numerous and
so unreasonable that they might have swamped me, had it not been for the timely
arrival of Joneski. Then we flayed ‘em!
It
was very nice and sunny this morning as we lay, with several others, on the forward
deck taking a sun bath.
I
managed to get into conversation with a Labor M. P. who was interested enough
in Russia to make a trip there with a friend.
It is strange how sane and conservative he seemed after my talks with
the Communists, although this type of Laborite is generally considered a
radical Socialist. It was rather a
relief to hear that there is still some hope for Capitalism. He said that Communism is dying out in
England, where they can claim only 2,000 Party men. It does not flourish in England, he believes, because Communism
is contrary to the fundamentals of British character and tradition; and also
because of the British workers’ hatred of theory, and of their desire for
self-government. If they want Communism
in England, they can get it by the ballot.
Then the British have an intrinsic love of law and order, and a hatred
of violence, and finally a feeling for family unity and morality. It is not unfair to say that Communism
destroys the former deliberately, and tends to weaken the latter, he feels.
A
discussion and explanation of Communism by our Scotsman tonight brought a
retort from the Labor M. P.
I
soon found that the Communists consider all Labor M. P.’s as traitors to the
cause of the proletariat, on the theory that beneath the guise of Labor they
further the ends of the Capitalist. The
resulting debate was a real battle of the classes. Each of the warriors was housed in a rhinoceros hide of righteousness,
and armed with the mighty sword of oratory and the dagger of invective. Cut and slash as they might for nearly two
hours, no blood was drawn. Then someone
yawned, and someone else said it was bedtime, anyway.
Nothing
extraordinary happened today. I wish we
would hurry up and get there. The service on this boat has been typically
Russian. No one has touched our cabins
or made our beds since we came on board at London. When we speak to the officers or crew, we generally get a surly
reply. Our steward walks around the
dining room at breakfast unshaved, unwashed, and collarless; by lunch time he
usually looks a little better. I shall have no regrets when we disembark
tomorrow.
I
heard a rather radical expression from a Communist, but it was quite typical of
the Party’s uncompromising attitude.
“There
is no use drenching the Trade Unions in words,” he said. “We must drench them in blood!”
I
think a little soap box oratory of this sort in America would do much to
suppress any Communistic tendency.
Our
Scots friend said gaily on sighting Leningrad:
“There
is the Soviet Fatherland; Fatherland of the workers of the world, and the envy
of the Bourgeoisie!”
And
we all had a good last laugh together!
It
was dark when we entered Leningrad Harbour; small cargo boats steamed by us
showing only their red and green lights.
Beacons flashed, boats whistled; it might have been any port, but it was
Russia — and the beginning of a great adventure!
After
a long delay we moved up the river.
Although it was after midnight, the wharves on both sides were loading
and unloading, mostly grain, lumber, and machinery. Winches droned, cargoes thumped, men shouted, arc lights
spluttered overhead they were not idle, those Russians.
It
was 2 a.m. when we finally docked, but we were not allowed to disembark until the next morning.
LENINGRAD
Ninth Day
We
were met at the dock by an In-tourist man this morning. He took us through the Customs before anyone
else — courtesy of the port for Lloyd George’s former secretary! (Jones.)
Our interpreter also appeared — a charming young lady of about
twenty-seven, very intelligent, with excellent command of English and
French. She had been with George
Bernard Shaw when he visited Russia.
A
new Ford touring car was waiting at the curb for us, and we tore away at a
breakneck pace over very bumpy cobble stone streets. Somehow we arrived,
without killing anyone, at the Hotel Europe, Leningrad’s best. Here we were fortunate to have a room with
bath.
This
morning we drove about thirty-five miles in a charabanc, with some other
Americans, to see a Soviet sanatorium, and the famous Winter Palace. This sanatorium is for sickly children from
four to twelve years old, and provides free medical attention and supervision
for workers’ children. It was in
excellent order and quite clean.
The
amazing thing was the amount of Soviet propaganda on posters everywhere about
the institution. The children had
helped to make these posters with pictures cut from magazines, and some of the
lines we read were
“Let
us carry out the Five-Year Plan in four years.” (This in big red letters).
Another
was titled “Defenders of the U.S.S.R.,” accompanied by pictures of guns,
battleships and soldiers.
Another
said: “Children of the whole world are one family,” this thought being
illustrated with pictures of children of various races and nationalities.
Another
poster said: “The Shock Brigade work is our method; the Five-Year Plan is our
aim.”
The
Shock Brigade is a group of enthusiastic and efficient workers who go to
factories or farms to speed up production by their own energetic labor and
superior ability. They are often
accompanied by a considerable amount of ballyhoo, in the form of banners and
posters, proclaiming their accomplishments and urging the “boys” to fight hard
for the “Pyatelatka” (Five-Year Plan). Frequently, however, their strenuous efforts
result in breaking machines through careless handling and over-speeding.
Jones managed to talk with
the parents of some children at the sanatorium. It was visiting day. One
little girl was called Elimira, the name being derived from “Electrification of
the World,” as well as being an old Russian one. A little boy had been at the sanatorium twice, and didn’t want to
go home, although his parents were allowed to see him only once a month. I thought his attitude strange, but they did
not appear to mind it at all, and even seemed glad to have him out of the way
and well taken care of. “I want to be
an engineer when I grow up,” said a little girl, aged eight.
We went to visit the ancient
palace built by Catherine. Here were
beautifully and richly decorated rooms in the Baroque style similar in
magnificence to those at Versailles. A
great contrast was the recent Czar’s palace and quarters, bourgeois in taste
and ugly in decoration. His bedroom had
around eight hundred icons on the walls, and both he and the Czarina had had a
most amazing display of junk, awful pottery, and religious relics, including a
dried fish and some cheap wooden souvenir spoons from Mt. Athos. There were frightful, sentimental pictures everywhere,
especially ones of the Annunciation, for the Czarina wanted a son badly.
Even here the Soviet had
placed posters in the ante-rooms, some of which read as follows:
“Proletarians be ready for
the aerial defence of the U.S.S.R.”
“Soviet
airships will be a great factor in the Socialist reconstruction,”
“On
August 1st, let us be brave fighters for the Chinese Revolution.”
These
Communists never let a chance slip to put over their propaganda.
We
returned to Leningrad and dined “on the pink slip” given to us by the In
tourist, and entitling us to a first rate meal of caviare, soup, meat, and
dessert. The same meal would have cost the casual diner:
Caviar 5 rubles
Soup 2 rubles
Meat 2 to 3 rubles, 50 kopecks
Dessert 1 ruble, 25 to 50 kopecks
Tea 50 kopecks
Total 10 to 12 rubles, or $5 to $6.
Not exactly cheap!
A
fine roof garden overlooks the city, and here one dines in luxury.
In
reckoning in rubles, it should be remembered that there is an inflation in
Russia, and that a ruble might be worth anywhere from ten cents to fifty cents,
according to the place where you buy.
In the private market, a ruble is worth about ten cents to twenty cents;
in the Co-ops., it might be worth thirty cents to forty cents. In a bank, you receive two rubles for a
dollar, but a speculator will give eight, ten or more for a dollar.
We
“lunched” at five. Below us lay the
roofs of the city, drab and dirty. But
here and there a great cathedral dome stretched up from the undergrowth. Nearby shone the jeweled monument of a
famous church. Its pointed turrets of
colored glass flashed in the sun, while below, on the housetops, the radio
antennae interlaced like the cobwebs of unkempt places.